Please lick the following link for a report on our recent trip to Crewe Hill & Monkstown Graveyard
“Tonight, as Patron of the Dalaradia Historical group , I attended, with my colleague in Pretani Associates, Helen Brooker, the Second Annual Dalaradia Burns Supper at Whiteabbey Masonic Centre, Newtownabbey..The Dalaradia Burns Supper is unique in that it focuses on the local Dalaradian poet James Orr of Ballycarry and his work.
James Orr (1770 – 24 April 1816) was a poet or rhyming weaver from Ulster also known as the Bard of Ballycarry, who wrote in English and Ullans or Ulster Scots. He was the foremost of the Ulster Weaver Poets, and was writing contemporaneously with Robert Burns. According to that other great Ulster poet, John Hewitt, he produced some material that was better than Burns, including his masterpiece ” The Irish Cottier’s Death and Burial“.
Orr joined the patriotic Society of United Irishmen, or Libertymen as they knew themselves, in 1791 and took part in the Presbyterian Irish Rebellion of 1798. The United Army of Ulster, of which he was a part, was defeated at the Battle of Antrim and after a time hiding from the authorities, he fled to America. He remained there for a short time, earning a living by working for a newspaper, but returned to Ballycarry in 1802 under an amnesty. He died in Ballycarry in 1816 at the age of 46.
An imposing monument to Orr, erected by local Freemasons in 1831, is sited in the Templecorran cemetery near Ballycarry, in memory of the great Mason and Ulster Weaver Poet. Orr had been a charter member of the Lodge, so that it was appropriate that the Dalaradia Burns Supper is held in Whiteabbey Masonic Centre.
In 1992, I published, under my imprint, Pretani Press, the three-volume Folk Poets of Ulster series , thus initiating the modern Ulster-Scots revival in Northern Ireland. The three titles in the series were: The Country Rhymes of James Orr, the Bard of Ballycarry 1770-1816; The Country Rhymes of Hugh Porter, the Bard of Moneyslane c. 1780; and, The Country Rhymes of Samuel Thomson, the Bard of Carncranny 1766-1816, all published by Pretani Press, Bangor, 1992. Series editors: J.R.R. Adams and P.S. Robinson.
I had also suggested the new name “Ullans” for an Ulster-Scots Academy which I proposed in June 1992, and formally established in Northern Ireland following a meeting in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, between Professor Robert Gregg and myself on Thursday, 23rd July that year. The Ullans Academy was to be based on the Frisian Academy of Sciences in the Netherlands, which I had visited in 1978, and again in 1980, with a group of community activists from Northern Ireland, including Andy Tyrie, then Chairman of the Ulster Defence Association, and now Patron of the Ulster-Scots (Ullans) Academy. The essential characteristic of the Frisian Academy was its division into three departments: Linguistics and Literature, History and Culture, and Social Sciences. This tripartite division was to become our model.
The new Ullans Academy was intended to fulfil a need for the regulation and standardisation of the language for modern usage. These standards were to have been initiated on behalf of the Ulster-Scots community, Protestant and Roman Catholic, nationalist and unionist, and would be academically sound. What we didn’t need was the development of an artificial dialect which excluded and alienated traditional speakers . It seemed clear to me that it was fundamentally important to establish a standard version of the language, with agreed spelling, while at the same time maintaining the rich culture of local variants.
Therefore in 1995, I published for the Ulster-Scots Language Society, of which I was founding chairman, a regional dictionary by James Fenton, The Hamely Tongue: A Personal Record of Ulster-Scots in County Antrim , under the imprint of the Ulster-Scots Academic Press, from my premises in 17 Main Street, Conlig, County Down. This was the most important record yet produced of current Ulster-Scots speech and is now, under the imprint of the Ullans Press, in its third edition. It was distributed by my friend David Adamson, who did so without remuneration.
Like the Frisian Academy on which it was based, the Ulster-Scots or Ullans Academy’s research was intended to extend beyond language and literature to historical, cultural and philosophical themes such as the life and works of Frances Hutcheson and C.S. Lewis, and to studies of the history of Ulidia in general, especially Dalriada, Dalaradia, Dal Fiatach, Manapia, Iveagh, Oriel, Venniconia, Galloway and Carrick, not forgetting Ellan Vannin, the Isle of Man.
The Chairman opened tonight’s event by outlining the important work of the group over the past year. The format of a traditional Burns Supper was then followed including Burns’ “Address to a Haggis“. I myself recited Orr’s brilliant political poem “To The Potatoe“..and later his “Elegy on the Death of Mr Robert Burns, the Ayrshire Poet“, which is unrivalled in its pathos. Helen Brooker, Community Distribution Director for the Ullans Academy then presented copies of The Bible in Plain Scots to the guests of the evening…Altogether another great success for The Dalaradia group.”
At least as far back as the Iron Age, Dumbarton Rock, which the Dalaradia group are visiting with Pretani Associates, has been the site of a strategically important settlement. Its early residents were known to have traded with the Romans. The presence of a settlement is first recorded in a letter Saint Patrick wrote to King Ceretic of Alt Clut in the late 5th century. Ford has proposed that Dumbarton was the Cair Brithon (“Fort of the Britons”) listed by Nennius among the 28 cities of Sub-Roman Britain. From the fifth century until the ninth, the castle was the centre of the independent British Kingdom of Strathclyde. Alt Clut or Alcluith (Gaelic: Alt Chluaidh, lit. “Rock of the Clyde”), the Brittonic name for Dumbarton Rock, became a metonym for kingdom. The king of the Britons of Dumbarton in about AD 570 was Riderch Hael, who features in Welsh and Latin works.
During his reign Merlin was said to have stayed at Alt Clut. The medieval Scalacronica of Sir Thomas Grey records the legend that “Arthur left Hoël of Little Britain his nephew sick at Alcluit in Scotland.”] Hoël made a full recovery, but was besieged in the castle by the Scots and Picts( Caledonian Pretani). The story first appeared in Geoffrey of Monmouth‘s Historia Regum Britanniae. Amongst lists of three things, in the triads of the Red Book of Hergest, the third “Unrestrained Ravaging” was Aeddan Fradog (the Wily, perhaps Áedán mac Gabráin), coming to the court of Rhydderch the Generous at Alclud, who left neither food nor drink nor beast alive. This battle also appears in stories of Myrddin Wyllt, the Merlin of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Vita Merlini, perhaps conflated with the battle of Arfderydd, located as Arthuret by some authors.
In 756, the first (and second) losses of Dumbarton Rock were recorded. A joint force of Picts and Northumbrians captured Alcluith after a siege, only to lose it again a few days later. By 870, Dumbarton Rock was home to a tightly packed British settlement, which served as a fortress and as the capital of Alt Clut. The Vikings laid siege to Dumbarton for four months, eventually defeating the inhabitants when they cut off their water supply. The Norse king Olaf returned to the Viking city of Dublin in 871, with two hundred ships full of slaves and looted treasures. Olaf came to an agreement with Constantine I of Scotland, and Artgal of Alt Clut. Strathclyde’s independence may have come to an end with the death of Owen the Bald, when the dynasty of Kenneth mac Alpin began to rule the region.
Y Gododdin is a medieval Welsh poem consisting of a series of elegies to the men of the Brittonic kingdom of Gododdin and its allies who, according to the conventional interpretation, died fighting the Angles of Deira and Bernicia at a place named Catraeth in c. AD 600. It is traditionally ascribed to the bard Aneirin and survives only in one manuscript, the Book of Aneirin. Yet it can justly be described as the oldest “Scottish” poem, although many of the descendants of its participants now live in Ulster.
The Book of Aneirin manuscript is from the later 13th century, but Y Gododdin has been dated to anywhere between the 7th and the early 11th centuries. The text is partly written in Middle Welsh orthography and partly in Old Welsh. The early date would place its oral composition soon after the battle, presumably in the Hen Ogledd (“Old North”); as such it would have been written in the Cumbric dialect of Common Brittonic. Others consider it the work of a poet from Wales in the 9th, 10th or 11th century. Even a 9th-century date would make it one of the oldest surviving Welsh works of poetry.
The Gododdin, known in Roman times as the Votadini, held territories in what is now southeast Scotland and Northumberland, part of the Hen Ogledd (Old North). The poem tells how a force of 300 (or 363) picked warriors were assembled, some from as far afield as Pictland and Gwynedd. After a year of feasting at Din Eidyn, now Edinburgh, they attacked Catraeth, which is usually identified with Catterick, North Yorkshire. After several days of fighting against overwhelming odds, nearly all the warriors are killed. The poem is similar in ethos to heroic poetry, with the emphasis on the heroes fighting primarily for glory, but is not a narrative. The manuscript contains several stanzas which have no connection with the Gododdin and are considered to be interpolations. One stanza in particular has received attention because it mentions Arthur, which, if not an interpolation, would be the earliest known reference to that character, as outside this poem, Welsh Arthurian legend is known to develope only from c. the early 12th century.
The verses that make up the poem are a series of elegies for warriors who fell in battle against vastly superior numbers. Some of the verses refer to the entire host, others eulogize individual heroes. They tell how the ruler of the Gododdin, Mynyddog Mwynfawr, gathered warriors from several Britonnic kingdoms and provided them with a year’s feasting and drinking mead in his halls at Din Eidyn, perhaps on Arthur’s Seat,before launching a campaign in which almost all of them were killed fighting against overwhelming odds. The poetry is based on a fixed number of syllables, though there is some irregularity which may be due to modernisation of the language during oral transmission. It uses rhyme, both end-rhyme and internal, and some parts use alliteration. A number of stanzas may open with the same words, for example “Gwyr a aeth gatraeth gan wawr” (“Men went to Catraeth at dawn”).
Arthur’s Seat, Edinburgh
The collection appears to have been compiled from two different versions: according to some verses there were 300 men of the Gododdin, and only one, Cynon ap Clydno, survived; in others there were 363 warriors and three survivors, in addition to the poet, who as a bard would have almost certainly not have been counted as one of the warriors. The names of about eighty warriors are given in the poem.
The Book of Aneirin begins with the introduction Hwn yw e gododin. aneirin ae cant (“This is the Gododdin; Aneirin sang it”). The first stanza appears to be a reciter’s prologue, composed after the death of Aneirin:
Gododdin, gomynaf oth blegyt
yg gwyd cant en aryal en emwyt: …
Er pan want maws mur trin,
er pan aeth daear ar Aneirin,
nu neut ysgaras nat a Gododin.
Gododdin, I make claim on thy behalf
In the presence of the throng boldly in the court: …
Since the gentle one, the wall of battle, was slain,
Since the earth covered Aneirin,
Poetry is now parted from the Gododdin.
The second stanza praises an individual hero:
In might a man, a youth in years,
Of boisterous valour,
Swift long-maned steeds
Under the thigh of a handsome youth …
Quicker to a field of blood
Than to a wedding
Quicker to the ravens’ feast
Than to a burial,
A beloved friend was Ywain,
It is wrong that he is beneath a cairn.
It is a sad wonder to me in what land
Marro’s only son was slain.
Other stanzas praise the entire host, for example number 13:
Men went to Catraeth at morn
Their high spirits lessened their life-span
They drank mead, gold and sweet, ensnaring;
For a year the minstrels were merry.
Red their swords, let the blades remain
Uncleansed, white shields and four-sided spearheads,
Before Mynyddog Mwynfawr’s men.
Mead is mentioned in many stanzas, sometimes with the suggestion that it is linked to their deaths. This led some 19th-century editors to assume that the warriors went into battle drunk, however Williams explained that “mead” here stood for everything the warriors received from their lord. In return, they were expected to “pay their mead” by being loyal to their lord unto death. A similar concept is found in Anglo-Saxon poetry. The heroes commemorated in the poem are mounted warriors; there are many references to horses in the poem. There are references to spears, swords and shields, and to the use of armour (llurug, from the Latin lorica). There are several references which indicate that they were Christians, for example “penance” and “altar”, while the enemy are described as “heathens”. Several of these features can be seen in stanza 33:
Men went to Catraeth with a war-cry,
Speedy steeds and dark armour and shields,
Spear-shafts held high and spear-points sharp-edged,
And glittering coats-of-mail and swords,
He led the way, he thrust through armies,
Five companies fell before his blades.
Rhufawn His gave gold to the altar,
And a rich reward to the minstrel.”
However, D. Simon Evans has suggested that most, if not all, of the references which point to Christianity may be later additions. Many personal names are given, but only two are recorded in other sources. One of the warriors was Cynon ap Clydno, whom Williams identifies with the Cynon ap Clydno Eiddin who is mentioned in old pedigrees. The other personal name recorded in other sources is Arthur. If the mention of Arthur formed part of the original poem this could be the earliest reference to Arthur, as a paragon of bravery. In stanza 99, the poet praises one of the warriors, Gwawrddur:
He fed black ravens on the rampart of a fortress
Though he was no Arthur
Among the powerful ones in battle
In the front rank, Gwawrddur was a palisade[
Many of the warriors were not from the lands of the Gododdin. Among the places mentioned are Aeron, thought to be the area around the River Ayr and Elfed, the area around Leeds still called Elmet. Others came from further afield, for example one came from “beyond Bannog”, a reference to the mountains between Stirling (thought to have been Manaw Gododdin territory) and Dumbarton (chief fort of the Brittonic Kingdom of Strathclyde) – this warrior must have come from Pictland. Others came from Gwynedd in north Wales. Altogether they were the Gwyr y Gogledd, the Men from the North. Three of the stanzas included in the manuscript have no connection with the subject matter of the remainder except that they are also associated with southern Scotland or northern England rather than Wales. One of these is a stanza which celebrates the victory of the Britons of the Kingdom of Strathclyde under Eugein I, here described as “the grandson of Neithon”, over Domnall Brecc (“Dyfnwal Frych” in Welsh), king of Dál Riata,at the Battle of Strathcarron in 642. Domnall had fought with the Cruthin King Congal Claen at Moira in 636.
I saw an array that came from Kintyre
who brought themselves as a sacrifice to a holocaust.
I saw a second [array] who had come down from their settlement,
who had been roused by the grandson of Neithon.
I saw mighty men who came with dawn.
And it was Domnall Brecc’s head that the ravens gnawed.”
Another stanza appears to be part of the separate cycle of poems associated with Llywarch Hen. The third interpolation is a poem entitled “Dinogad’s Smock”, a cradle-song addressed to a baby named Dinogad, describing how his father goes hunting and fishing. The interpolations are thought to have been added to the poem after it had been written down, these stanzas first being written down where there was a space in the manuscript, then being incorporated in the poem by a later copier who failed to realise that they did not belong. The Strathcarron stanza, for example, is the first stanza in the B text of the Book of Aneirin, and Jackson suggested that it had probably been inserted on a blank space at the top of the first page of the original manuscript. According to Koch’s reconstruction, this stanza was deliberately added to the text in Strathclyde.
The date of Y Gododdin has been the subject of debate among scholars since the early 19th century. If the poem was composed soon after the battle, it must predate 638, when the fall of Din Eidyn was recorded in the reign of Oswy king of Bernicia, an event which is thought to have meant the collapse of the kingdom of the Gododdin. If it is a later composition, the latest date which could be ascribed to it is determined by the orthography of the second part of Scribe B’s text. This is usually considered to be that of the 9th or 10th centuries, although some scholars consider that it could be from the 11th century.
Most of the debate about the date of the poem has employed linguistic arguments. It is believed that around the time of the battle, the Brittonic language was transitioning into its daughter languages: the primitive form of Welsh in Wales, of Cornish and Breton in southwestern Britain and Brittany, and Cumbric in northern Britain. Kenneth Jackson concludes that the majority of the changes that transformed British into Primitive Welsh belong to the period from the middle of the 5th to the end of the 6th century.] This involved syncope and the loss of final syllables. If the poem dates to this time, it would have been written in an early form of Cumbric, the usual name for the Brittonic speech of the Hen Ogledd. Jackson suggested the name “Primitive Cumbric” for the dialect spoken at the time.
Sweetser gives the example of the name Cynfelyn found in the Gododdin; in Brittonic this would have been Cunobelinos. The middle unstressed o and the final unstressed os have been lost. Ifor Williams, whose 1938 text laid the foundations for modern scholarly study of the poetry, considered that part of it could be regarded as being of likely late 6th-century origin. This would have been orally transmitted for a period before being written down. Dillon cast doubt on the date of composition, arguing that it is unlikely that by the end of the 6th century Primitive Welsh would have developed into a language “not notably earlier than that of the ninth century”. He suggests that the poetry may have been composed in the 9th century on traditional themes and attributed to Aneirin. Jackson however considers that there is “no real substance” in these arguments, and points out that the poetry would have been transmitted orally for a long period before being written down, and would have been modernised by reciters, and that there is in any case nothing in the language used which would rule out a date around 600. Koch suggests a rather earlier date, about 570, and also suggests that the poem may have existed in written form by the 7th century, much earlier than usually thought. Koch, reviewing the arguments about the date of the poetry in 1997, states:
Today, the possibility of an outright forgery – which would amount to the anachronistic imposition of a modern literary concept onto early Welsh tradition – is no longer in serious contention. Rather, the narrowing spectrum of alternatives ranges from a Gododdin corpus which is mostly a literary creation of mediaeval Wales based on a fairly slender thread of traditions from the old Brittonic North to a corpus which is in large part recoverable as a text actually composed in that earlier time and place.”
Koch himself believes that a considerable part of the poem can be dated to the 6th century. Greene in 1971 considered that the language of the poem was 9th century rather than 6th century, and Isaac, writing in 1999, stated that the linguistic evidence did not necessitate dating the poem as a whole before the 9th or 10th century.
The other approach to dating the poetry has been to look at it from a historical point of view. Charles-Edwards writing in 1978 concluded that:
The historical arguments, therefore, suggest that the poem is the authentic work of Aneirin; that we can establish the essential nature of the poem from the two surviving versions; but that we cannot, except in favourable circumstances, establish the wording of the original.
Dumville, commenting on these attempts to establish the historicity of the poem in 1988, said, “The case for authenticity, whatever exactly we mean by that, is not proven; but that does not mean that it cannot be.” The fact that the great majority of the warriors mentioned in the poem are not known from other sources has been put forward by several authors as an argument against the idea that the poem could be a later composition. The poems which are known to be later “forgeries” have clearly been written for a purpose, for example to strengthen the claims of a particular dynasty. The men commemorated in Y Gododdin do not appear in the pedigrees of any Welsh dynasty. Breeze comments, “it is difficult to see why a later poet should take the trouble to commemorate men who,but for the poem, would be forgotten”.
The Gododdin and neighbouring kingdoms
The poem is set in the area which is now southern Scotland and north-east England. Around the year 600 this area included a number of Brittonic kingdoms. Apart from the Gododdin, the kingdom of Alt Clut occupied the Strathclyde area and Rheged covered parts of Galloway, Lancashire and Cumbria. Further south lay the kingdom of Elmet in the Leeds area. These areas made up what was later known in Welsh as Yr Hen Ogledd (The Old North). The Gododdin, known as the Votadini in the Romano-British period, occupied a territory from the area around the head of the Firth of Forth as far south as the River Wear. In modern terms their lands included much of Clackmannanshire and the Lothian and Borders regions. Their capital at this period may have been called Din Eidyn, now known as Edinburgh. By this time the area that later became Northumbria had been invaded and increasingly occupied by the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of Deira and Bernicia.
In the Historia Brittonum, attributed to Nennius, there is a reference to several poets in this area during the 6th century. Having mentioned Ida of Bernicia, the founder of the Northumbrian royal line who ruled between 547 and 559, the Historia goes on to say:
At that time Talhaearn the Father of the Muse was famous in poetry, and Neirin, Taliesin, Blwchfardd and Cian who is called Gweinthgwawd, at one and the same time were renowned in British poetry.”
Nothing has been preserved of the work of Talhaearn, Blwchfardd and Cian, but poems attributed to Taliesin were published by Ifor Williams in Canu Taliesin and were considered by him to be comparable in antiquity to the Gododdin. This poetry praises Urien of Rheged and his son Owain, and refers to Urien as lord of Catraeth.
Y Gododdin is not a narrative poem but a series of elegies for heroes who died in a battle whose history would have been familiar to the original listeners. The context of the poem has to be worked out from the text itself. There have been various interpretations of the events recorded in the poem. The 19th-century Welsh scholar Thomas Stephens identified the Gododdin with the Votadini and Catraeth as Catterick in North Yorkshire. He linked the poem to the Battle of Degsastan in c. 603 between King Æthelfrith of Bernicia and the Gaels under Áedán mac Gabráin, king of Dál Riada. Gwenogvryn Evans in his 1922 edition and translation of the Book of Aneirin claimed that the poem referred to a battle around the Menai Strait in 1098, emending the text to fit the theory. The generally accepted interpretation for the Battle of Catraeth is that put forward by Ifor Williams in his Canu Aneirin first published in 1938. Williams interpreted mynydawc mwynvawr in the text to refer to a person, Mynyddog Mwynfawr in modern Welsh. Mynyddog, in his version, was the king of the Gododdin, with his chief seat at Din Eidyn (modern Edinburgh). Around the year 600 Mynyddog gathered about 300 selected warriors, some from as far afield as Gwynedd. He feasted them at Din Eidyn for a year, then launched an attack on Catraeth, which Williams agrees with Stephens in identifying as Catterick, which was in Anglo-Saxon hands. They were opposed by a larger army from the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of Deira and Bernicia.
The battle at Catraeth has been seen as an attempt to resist the advance of the Angles, who had probably by then occupied the former Votadini lands of Bryneich in modern north-eastern England and made it their kingdom of Bernicia. At some time after the battle, the Angles absorbed the Gododdin kingdom, possibly after the fall of their capital Din Eidyn in 638, and incorporated it into the kingdom of Northumbria.
This interpretation has been accepted by most modern scholars. Jackson accepts the interpretation but suggests that a force of 300 men would be much too small to undertake the task demanded of them. He considers that the 300 mounted warriors would have been accompanied by a larger number of foot soldiers, not considered worthy of mention in the poem. Jarman also follows Williams’ interpretation. Jackson suggested that after the fall of the kingdom of Gododdin, in or about 638, the poem was preserved in Strathclyde, which maintained its independence for several centuries. He considers that it was first written down in Strathclyde after a period of oral transmission, and may have reached Wales in manuscript form between the end of the 8th and the end of the 9th century. There would be particular interest in matters relating to the Gododdin in Gwynedd, since the founding myth of the kingdom involved the coming of Cunedda Wledig from Manaw Gododdin.
In 1997, the Irish-American Celticist John Koch published a new study of Y Gododdin which involved an attempt to reconstruct the original poetry written in what Koch terms “Archaic Neo-Brittonic included a new and very different interpretation of the background of the poetry. He draws attention to a poem in Canu Taliesin entitled Gweith Gwen Ystrat (The Battle of Gwen Ystrat):
The men of Catraeth arise with the day
around a battle-victorious, cattle-rich sovereign
this is Uryen by name, the most senior leader.”
There is also a reference to Catraeth in the slightly later poem Moliant Cadwallon, a panegyric addressed to Cadwallon ap Cadfan of Gwynedd, thought to have been composed in about 633.Two lines in this poem are translated by Koch as “fierce Gwallawc wrought the great and renowned mortality at Catraeth”. He identifies Gwallawc as the “Guallauc” who was one of the kings who fought against Bernicia in alliance with Urien. Koch draws attention to the mention of meibion Godebawc (the sons of Godebog) as an enemy in stanza 15 of the Gododdin and points out that according to old Welsh genealogies Urien and other Brittonic kings were descendants of “Coïl Hen Guotepauc”. He considers that, in view of the references in the three poems, there is a case for identifying the attack on Catraeth recorded in Y Gododdin with the Battle of Gwen Ystrat. This would date the poem to about 570 rather than the c. 600 favoured by Williams and others. He interprets the Gododdin as having fought the Brythons of Rheged and Alt Clut over a power struggle in Elmet, with Anglian allies on both sides, Rheged being in an alliance with Deira. He points out that according to the Historia Britonnum it was Rhun, son of Urien Rheged who baptized the princess Eanflæd of Deira, her father Edwin and 12,000 of his subjects in 626/7. Urien Rheged was thus the real victor of the battle. Mynyddog Mwynfawr was not a person’s name but a personal description meaning ‘mountain feast’ or ‘mountain chief’. Some aspects of Koch’s view of the historical context have been criticised by both Oliver Padel and Tim Clarkson. Clarkson, for example, makes the point that the reference in Gweith Gwen Ystrat is to “the men of Catraeth”; it does not state that the battle was fought at Catraeth, and also that according to Bede it was Paulinus, not Rhun, who baptized the Deirans.
“Northern Ireland is an equal part of the United Kingdom – Put the Union Flag on our driving licenses.
Responsible department: Department for Transport
We believe that Northern Ireland is an equal part of the United Kingdom, and that it is just as British as England, Scotland or Wales.
We call on Claire Perry MP, Parliamentary Under Secretary of State at the Department for Transport, and the DVLA to reverse their decision to exclude Northern Irish driving licenses from displaying the Union Flag. We believe Northern Irish driving licenses should also display the Union Flag.
The DVLA themselves have called the Union Flag a “symbolic sign of national identity”, so we are extremely disappointed that they see fit to exclude Northern Irish drivers from this policy.
We understand that some people in Northern Ireland would like the Union Flag on their driving licenses, and have no objections to those people making specific requests to opt out of having the Union Flag on their driving license.”
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